British Military Intervention and the Struggle for Jordan: by Stephen Blackwell PDF
By Stephen Blackwell
This publication examines why the govt. led through Harold Macmillan remained able to use army strength to prop up the regime of King Hussein. Blackwell presents new old insights into the origins of the Anglo-American use of army strength to guard their pursuits within the center East. advent : Jordan, Suez and the decline of British impression within the heart East -- Glubb's Jordan : the Arab legion, the Hashemites and the nationalist problem, 1948-1956 -- Amman less than the shadow of Nasser : Jordanian nationalism and the Suez difficulty, April-November 1956 -- The British abandonment and the yankee retrieval of Jordan, November 1956-April 1957 -- The kings opposed to the colonels : Jordan and the Anglo-American plot to overthrow the Syrian executive, 1957 -- battling Nasser : Anglo-American help for Jordan, Iraq and Lebanon, November 1957-June 1958 -- The Baghdad coup and the Macmillan government's choice to interfere in Jordan, 14-17 July 1958 -- A tenuous foothold : British paratroops install in Amman, July-August 1958 -- dealing with the overseas drawback : making a UN 'mantle' for Jordan, September-November 1958 -- Belated reappraisals : Anglo-American coverage, neighborhood nationalism and the way forward for Jordan, November 1958-March 1959
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Additional resources for British Military Intervention and the Struggle for Jordan: King Hussein, Nasser and the Middle East Crisis, 1955-1958
17 Britain’s belated response to hostile propaganda in Jordan in late 1955 only constituted a token effort in the face of a flood of anti-imperialist broadcasting and print publications. Glubb was convinced that the army rather than the diplomatic service was better able to wage an information campaign in the Arab world. On 22 March he told a meeting of the Conservative Parliamentary Party’s foreign affairs committee that the BBC’s output was too rarefied and academic. It was ‘essential to descend into the market place, where every café had its radio’.
Unaware of the strength of mass nationalism by late 1955, London was guilty of complacency while its position in Jordan was undermined. Glubb’s sentimental attachment to the Bedouin was untenable given the extent to which Jordanian society had changed after 1949. Whether Whitehall liked it or not, there was now a new class of nationalist urban politicians and officers who had to be taken into account. The growth of nationalism in Jordan, largely a consequence of the shock generated by the influx of Palestinian refugees, forced London to deal with a plurality of political opinions.
The British package also included provision for ‘special offers for leading personalities likely to determine the issue’. 51 Eden approved the package with the clear proviso that the Jordanians would actually have to join the pact before they received the proposed special benefits. 52 In November 1955 Field Marshal Sir Gerald Templar, who had recently become Chief of the Imperial General Staff (CIGS), was selected to travel to Amman to fi nalise Jordan’s accession to the Baghdad Pact. Templar was a highly strung and abrasive character who could often be very severe to those of his staff who could not keep up with his hyperactive work rate.
British Military Intervention and the Struggle for Jordan: King Hussein, Nasser and the Middle East Crisis, 1955-1958 by Stephen Blackwell